CONTENTS
|
The Family Pen
Materials biographical and literary
of the
Taylor family of Ongar
Edited
by the Rev Isaac Taylor, MA, incumbent of St Mathias, Bethnal Green;
author of Words and Places.
In two volumes.
Jackson, Walford and Hodder, 27
Paternoster Row, London, 1867
Contents
Preface, by Rev Isaac Taylor (1829-1901)
The Family Pen, by Isaac Taylor (1787-1865)
The late Isaac Taylor, by Rev Isaac Taylor
Memoirs and Correspondence of Jane Taylor, by Rev Isaac Taylor
The
Family Pen, published in 1867, is a re-edition of The
Memoirs and Poetical Remains of the late Jane Taylor, with Extracts
from Her Correspondence, first published in London in 1825. An 1832
edition of that title, published in Boston, has been reproduced
digitally by A
Celebration of Women Writers.
Preface
By Rev Isaac Taylor (1829-1901)
THE last
completed effort of my Father's pen was a series of "Personal
Recollections", which appeared from time to time in Good Words, during
the year 1864. One of these papers bears the title which has been
chosen for the following pages, The Family Pen. It contains an account
of the literary activity of three successive generations of the
author's family. This Essay holds the first place in these volumes.
A short time before the "Personal Recollections"
were written, my
Father had employed his leisure hours in revising, enlarging, and
rearranging one of his earliest works, the Life of his sister, Jane
Taylor, which first appeared in the year 1825, soon after her death.
This revised Memoir, which was left in readiness for publication,
seemed to form an appropriate supplement to the Essay which is
reprinted from Good Words.
The juxtaposition of the two works, one
almost the first, the other the last performance of the veteran author,
shows in a striking manner the changes which the interval of forty
years has wrought, not only in his literary style but in his whole tone
of thought.
The volume is completed by a short sketch of my Father's life and
writings, for which I am myself responsible. I trust this may not
supersede a more extended Memoir, which is in preparation.
The second volume of The Family Pen
contains a selection from the
writings of Jane Taylor; of her brother, Jefferys Taylor; of her
sister, Mrs Gilbert; and of other members of her family. Some of these
pieces are little known, several have been long out of print, and one —
a poem by Mrs Gilbert — now appears for the first time. The earlier
productions of Jefferys Taylor, which are almost unknown to the present
generation of readers, require, I believe, only to be brought forward,
in order to obtain a greater appreciation than they have as yet
received.
London,
June 1867
The Family Pen
By Isaac Taylor (1787-1865)
A PEN which has been moist with
ink — ink destined for the eye of the
compositor — has been passing from hand to hand, within the circuit of
a family — it is now more than eighty years; and it is still in course
of consignment to younger hands of the same stock.
A task, not of the easiest sort, it must be, to bring into view some
personal incidents of this transmission in a manner that shall be
characteristic, and at every point true to facts, and yet shall not
trespass upon good taste or wound the feelings of those concerned, or
come under rebuke on the ground of egotism, or of an overweening
estimate of literary doings. I am far from being confident in my
ability to keep to a mid-channel while steering in and out among so
many perils. In accordance with a usage that was not quite discontinued
in the eighteenth century, but was rife in the seventeenth, I might
incline here to prefix a supplicatory dedication — “To the courteous
reader", or " To the kind reader"; and to ask a favourable hearing for
a few pages from any who are willing to put a candid construction upon
whatever may seem to need indulgence.
It must have been some time between 1768 and
'70, that a youth, equally
robust in body and in mind, and resolute in his thirst of knowledge,
found himself in the midst of books — shelves upon shelves, in a shop
in High Holborn. He plunged into the intellectual flood with the
eagerness and the confidence of one who feels and knows that he shall
swim — if only he may be free to strike the waves manfully. This youth,
Charles Taylor, the son of an eminent engraver, had received, along
with his brother Isaac, as much school learning as might then be had at
a grammar school in the country. This school, at Brentwood, Essex, was
one of those, the doings of which were so mercilessly turned inside out
by Lord
Brougham, in the course of the inquiries instituted for that
purpose in 1818, and afterwards in 1837. Whether the grievous
delinquencies of the Brentwood Grammar School, had reached the pitch
which they afterwards attained, is not known; probably not so, for the
two boys, Charles and Isaac, left it not wholly ignorant of Latin, nor
perhaps of Greek. At a school in the City these acquisitions had been
carried a few steps further upon the Gradus ad Parnassum. But whatever
this schooling might have been worth, either in the country or in town,
it sufficed in the instance of a youth so ardent, and so firm-nerved,
as was Charles Taylor, to give him easy access to ancient literature,
and to the folios of modern commentators, which were then mostly in the
Latin language. This introductory learning included Hebrew, and more or
less of rabbinical and oriental scholarship, as well as two or three
modern languages: moreover, as the son of an artist, and himself an
artist by profession, at least, he had acquainted himself with
numismatic lore, and with antiquarian art generally. These acquirements
— incidental to book learning, and very rarely combined with it,
greatly promoted the labours of his after life on the field of biblical
illustration, and were enough to entitle Charles Taylor to his
well-earned repute, as the Artist-Scholar. With the marbles in
the
collection of the Duke of Richmond, Charles Taylor made himself well
acquainted; and his twenty-first year, which he spent in Paris, was
industriously employed among the treasures of the King's library. A new
influx of miscellaneous learning came upon him at a later time, when
the books of the London Library, afterwards transferred to the building
in Finsbury, were committed to his care as librarian, at his house in
Hatton Garden, where they remained during several years.
It
must have been at sundry times, during these years,
and while the
house in Hatton Garden, No. 108, was crammed with books — upstairs,
downstairs, and in the hall and passages — that in my visits to the
family, I saw my learned uncle; and not very seldom, when charged with
some message from home, I was admitted into his study. Alas that
photography was not practised fifty years ago! The
man — his deshabille, and his surroundings, would indeed have furnished
a carte de visite not of the most ordinary sort. The scene! the tables
— the library counters — the cheffoniers — the shelves and the floor
(who shall say if the floor had a carpet?), all heaped with books:
books of all sizes and sorts: books open, one upon another — books with
a handful of leaves doubled in to keep the place — books in piles that
had slid down from chairs or stools, and had rested unmoved until a
deep deposit of dust had got a lodgment upon them! Quires of proof
sheets and revises — here and there, folded and unfolded. On the table
usually occupied by the writer there was just room for an ink stand,
and for a folded sheet of demy or foolscap. But the genius of this
chaos! — he was no pale, sallow, nervous, midnight-lamp-looking
recluse, or ghost. Not at all so, but a man — then just past mid-life —
powerful in bony and muscular framework — singularly hirsute — well
limbed, well filled out, erect in walk, prominent and aquiline in
feature — teeming, as one should say, with repressed energy: always
equal to more work than he had actually in hand: never wearied or
wasted in labour but impatient to be “at it again”. Work was his play
rest was his work: moments of intermission cost him an effort; hours of
labour none — and he made the effort duly when he came forth to take
his seat at the family table. At the family table my learned uncle was
urbane; perhaps he would be jocose; but he never discoursed of the
matters wherewith his brain was then teeming. His table talk was an
instance in illustration of Talleyrand's
reply to an impertinent
physician who had tried to lead him into state affairs — "Sir, I never
talk of things that I understand." It might seem perhaps as if the
chief person at the tea-table was not used to give those around him
credit for as much intelligence as they actually possessed:
nevertheless they did not impute to him anything like arrogance;
certainly not pomposity or affectation. His deportment was quite of
another sort — it was not supercilious; but it appeared to have been
framed upon the hypothesis of unmeasured spaces intervening between the
study-table and the tea-table.
Although fixedly taciturn as to his proper literary engagements —
unless it might be with the few who were learned in his own line — my
uncle ever kept himself awake towards all subjects, literary, or
scientific, or political, or statistical, that might come in his way.
Nothing in philosophy or in the arts, found him unprepared to
ring it to its place in his storehouse of knowledge. As to books, he
seemed to have them, chapter and page, at his command. Seldom did he
fail to reach, in a moment, the volume, or to find the page, where he
should find what he had occasion to refer to. There is a sort duplex
memory which achieves wonders with those who possess it in a high
degree. The first half of this double faculty takes to itself the place
and the position of passages, in books, which have once been read. The
second half is less mechanical, and is more intellectual — it is the
recollection by analogy, or by the relation of matters. By aid of this
endowment the stores of a library become available on any given
subject. Charles Taylor's memory, in details, even in branches of study
far removed from his own walk, was of the sort that must seem
marvellous to any who are not gifted in the same manner.
But as to these endowments, and these various acquirements and this
constitutional force, had they been devoted to any worthy purpose? It
must be granted that all gifts were well employed, and that the
unabated labour of almost fifty years had been concentred upon a great
task, ably achieved. And this work of a life was crowned with much
success. Charles Taylor must have been in his seventeenth year when, as
above said, he came into command of a bookseller's stock of second-hand
books. Upon the shelves in this shop there was a copy of Calmet's Dictionnaire Historique et
Critique de la Bible. It was precisely the
book to rivet the attention of a youth of this order. At a very early
time after becoming acquainted with it, and no doubt with the other
voluminous writings of the learned Benedictine, he formed the resolve
to bring out the Dictionary in English, appending to it the gleanings
of his own studies. To the due performance of this task he
thenceforward devoted all the hours he could command through a track of
about fifteen years, until he believed himself to be prepared for
submitting a sample of the work to the judgment of the learned public —
or rather of the very few who then ruled the learned world in the
department of biblical literature.
At that time, and indeed until a much later time, works of this class
had rarely appeared in England; and in the field of oriental usages,
and of pictorial antiquarianism, very little had been done. Harmer's Observations was almost
the only work of the same class. The
fragmentary essays which accompanied the Parts of the Dictionary
challenged attention as adventures upon new ground.
Those were not the days of Cyclopaedias of Biblical Literature, nor of
Dictionaries of the Bible, nor of Bible Dictionaries Illustrated; nor
of other such-like worthy endeavours to popularise biblical learning.
The English translation of Calmet's Dictionary, with the Fragments and
the Plates, has been the parent of a numerous family — in foolscap
folio, and in Imperial, and in extra demy; nor has it been always that
the offspring has yielded the dues of affection, or even of common
justice, to their ancestor. *
But the "learned
world" of that time was
not slow to perceive, or to acknowledge, the merits of these
Parts, the Dictionary, the Fragments, and the Plates. The editor
(translator, commentator and illustrator) received praise, and abundant
encouragement to go on. Five volumes in quarto appeared in due course,
and they were speedily reprinted. In the year in which Mr. Taylor's
death occurred, a fifth edition of these quartos was carried through
the press.
But who was the editor of Calmet — who was this sole and unassisted
builder of what has been spoken of as "a stupendous monument of
literary industry"? In these times "spirited publishers", who speculate
in Cyclopaedias, take care to enlist the elite of universities, at home
and abroad, in their service; and no doubt they do well — or intend
well, in taking this course; but here was a Samson, alone, who, with
his brawny arms clutching the pillars of the palace of learning, did
what he had purposed to do. Who then was he? It was nobody that had
ever been known at Oxford or at Cambridge, or even at Edinburgh or
Dublin. Call then at the house where the parts are published — No. 8,
Hatton Garden — and put the question. On the door-posts, either side,
there is "C. Taylor, Engraver". Go in and ask for the editor of
Calmet. You will never find him; or not there. Mr. C. Taylor, Engraver,
may be spoken to, if you have any proper reason for asking him to come
down into the lobby; but you will learn nothing from him about this
invisible editor. His answer to this interruption would be a look of
annoyance, impatience perhaps; but no clearing up of the mystery. You
are as likely to get an answer from the colossal Memnon in the British
Museum. To the end of his days Charles Taylor refused to acknowledge
himself as anything more than an artist — an engraver, or at least he
would not be addressed as the editor of Calmet, or as the author of the
Fragments. The few men of antiquarian erudition with whom, at times, he
conversed, could not fail to divine the secret; but at least he would
give them no right to report it from his lips.
I might err in attempting to penetrate the motives of this concealment.
It might seem an incoherence thus to persist in the anonymous, year
after year, for half a century; but I am sure it was no real
incoherence in the mind of this accomplished man; yet unless one had
seen him at home, and in his study, one should not get into the secret.
There are reasons of an obvious and ordinary sort that might be named
as probable, such as these — there would be reasons of policy,
prudential reasons, and reasons of feeling. Mr. Taylor, although to the
end of his days he was a Nonconformist, and a constant attendant at the
old meeting-house in Fetter Lane, was, by temperament, and by the
tendencies of his studies, decisively conservative; or, in the style of
that time, he was a thorough-going Tory. It is not unlikely that what
he had seen and foreseen in France, of the coming thunder-storm of the
Revolution, strongly took effect upon his opinions, when the thunder
and the lightning actually came on to frighten all Europe. The
Revolution hardened, in their Toryism, all who, like Edmund Burke, had
been prepared to look at it in that light. Nobody more bold or free
than he in his range of thought, on critical ground; nevertheless in
personal demeanour, in conventional observances, and in the punctilious
rendering of titles of honour where due, he never appeared at fault. It
is easy to imagine then what were probably the feelings of a man of
this disposition, in bringing before the public a voluminous work,
implying very extensive reading, and a measure of scholarship that was
not the most common. An indictment against such a one as he was, would
contain several counts: first count, a layman; second count, a
Nonconformist; third count, a member of no university. A man labouring
under these several conditions of disadvantage would feel — in
proportion to his individual conservatism he would feel it — that, in
coming abroad he must crouch under the shield of the anonymous. So was
it, in fact, that the engraver ventured into print, nobody knowing who
he might be.
After enjoying for several years the shade and shelter of this shield —
great and manifold as are the benefits which this shield affords — Mr.
Taylor would be reluctant to relinquish them. Literary ambition — or
ambition, of any sort, certainly was not his ruling passion. Gladly he
would allow the ambitious, the pretentious, the noisy, to go by him and
pass on to the front. For himself, he asked only to be let alone; and
to be allowed to go on with his work — unknown, if so it might be. But
there was yet something more in this life-long adherence to
concealment. A supreme devotion to the task he had undertaken, and to
which he had given the best years of his life — from eighteen to
seventy (near it), ruled him, in an absolute manner. He thought highly
of the importance of these, his chosen expository
labours. He had confidence in his ability to prosecute them to some
advantage. His ardour and industry had been recruited from time to time
by the plaudits of biblical scholars, English and foreign, and by the
proffered patronage of Church dignitaries. Content, thus far, and
assured that he was not spending his strength to no purpose, he went
on: his study, and his books, and his work, were enough for him; and he
cared very little for literary notoriety.
An instance very dissimilar in its circumstances, and in its visible
proportions, but yet in harmony with it as to principle, was at hand,
within the same family — or I should say, in the family of Charles
Taylor's brother, Isaac. But now may I presume that many of my readers,
who perhaps have known nothing of the five quartos of this Bible
Dictionary, may care to hear something of the young persons, who, sixty
years ago, put forth Original Poems,
Hymns for Infant Minds,
and some
similar books: not indeed in folio, or in quarto; or even in 8vo? I
have ventured to say that a principle connects the above-mentioned five
quartos, edited by the uncle, with the now-mentioned 24mos put forth by
his two nieces. I think I shall make this relationship intelligible.
The great pyramid of all that is printed might be sorted into several
smaller pyramids, on several grounds of distinction; but there is one
that has a real difference as its reason — there is a literature which
is literary properly; it possesses no very serious intention — it
courts, and it wins, favour, in various degrees, according, or not
according, to its intrinsic merits: it reaps its reward — or perhaps no
reward — in a commercial sense. A small portion of this printed mass
survives its hour, and takes a place among the classics of the
language: it reprints through several decades of time. Thus far all is
clear. But there is a literature which has had its origin in motives
that are wholly of another order. By a solecism, or an allowable
ambiguity, it receives its designation as literature: yet it is
unliterary literature. It did not spring either from literary ambition,
or from calculations of gain. The producers of books of this class —
books, whether they be great or small — had been incited by no
eagerness to be known as authors: perhaps they shrank from notoriety,
and would most gladly have remained under the screen of anonymous
authorship to the end of their course. If the due recompense of their
labours did reach them at last, this material remuneration never took
the foremost place in their regards. They wrote, what they wrote, with
an intention, and for a purpose that was ever prominent in the estimate
they formed of their own successes or failures. Fame or no fame —
income or no income, these writers asked themselves, or others about
them, if they had written to good purpose. If an affirmative answer to
this question could be given in that the bar of conscience, substantial
comfort would be thence derived — spite of discomforts, many.
On this ground it is likely, and so it will appear in fact, that books,
great and small — publications the most dissimilar in bulk, in quality,
in purpose, in pretension — will be brought together: disproportion and
unlikeness will not be a reason sufficient for dissociating those
projects of the Press which are found to be in harmony, as to the inner
reason or the true impulse which has brought them into being. Thus it
is
therefore that I find a connecting thread, running on with the family
pen, as it was held by the uncle, and as it has been held and used by
his two nieces. A purpose, better and higher in its aim than literary
ambition, or than pecuniary advantage, did rule, so I believe, in the
one instance; and that it ruled the other instance, I well and
intimately know. Conversations and consultations, turning upon this
very point of the comparative value of the motives which are wont to
take effect within the precincts of literature, I perfectly well
remember. Should it be literary reputation or fame; or pecuniary
advantage, and remuneration for work done; or should it be the higher
and the better motive, namely, usefulness in the best sense? Of Mrs.
Gilbert, my surviving sister, in the firm of "Ann and Jane", I am not
free to speak; but I need be under no restraint in giving evidence as
to what were the motives of my sister Jane in presenting herself, even
in the humblest guise, before the public as a literary person. Her
constitutional diffidence, and her tendency to shrink from notice, were
so decisive that, so long as it was possible to do so, she clung to her
concealment. From the very first, the effective motive was the hope and
prospect of doing good. On frequent occasions in those years during
which I was my sister's companion, the fixed purpose of her mind made
itself evident in our Conversations: it was always uppermost with her,
and it continued to prevail with her more and more to the end of life.
There was a season in her literary course when fame — such as might
seem to be her due, was within her reach; and if it came, it came: but
she was not a listener for it. As to the fruits of authorship in a
commercial sense, her motto, if so one might call it, was this: "My
income, whether it be more or less, is the exact sum yearly with which
it pleases God to entrust me."
Here, then, is the sort of instance which I have had in prospect when
intending to speak of a pen as passing from hand to hand in a family.
There had been a preparation for the service which was thus to be
rendered. The preparation in the case of the biblical expositor, was a
long term of years devoted to most arduous labours among books. The
preparation in the case of the two young authors of the poems and hymns
that have lived so long and have gone far, was an education in and for
intellectual labour, along with an excellent moral discipline.
It is customary to give license to egotism when it is for the praise
of industry that is attempted. Not a step beyond this border will I now
make a trespass. The home within which Ann and Jane Taylor received
education, and underwent their preparation of training, was indeed
fairly entitled to commendation on account of the occupation of all
hours of the day, from early to late, by everybody therein resident.
Yet this system of unremitting employment was carried through without
any rigorous exactions, without any inflictions, without any
consciousness of constraint. Assiduity was the tone and style of the
house. Nor were frequent recreations forgotten. Set days and times were
duly served, and were almost superstitiously honoured. I have not seen
in later years anything comparable to my father's industry. No man of
whose habits I have known anything has seemed to achieve a daily task
of the same amount, and of the same variety. What he did in giving
effect to
the operose system which he had devised for the education of his
children, has been an amazement to me to think of. Some of the still
extant monuments of this comprehensive and laborious scheme of
instruction might well pass for enough, if brought forward as the sole
products of many years of labour: they were, in fact, the product of
the
earliest hour of each day: much of this sort was done by the
candlelight of the winter's morning. The artisan who was on his way to
the place of his daily toil would not fail to see the light in my
father's study window: he, already awake and at work: his devotions
first, and then some educational outfit — in science — history —
geography. We all had a perfect confidence in the reasonableness, and
the utility, of those methods of instruction, in carrying out which we
were required to perform our parts. The apparatus of teaching was huge:
nevertheless the daily portion assigned to each of us came quite within
the limits of reasonable industry. We were not injuriously crammed, or
broken in spirit.
It is probable that there were items in the school cyclopoaedia which
might have been lopped off without serious damage; at least this might
be the fact in relation to the female side of the home college. For an
instance we might take this: it was not, perhaps, indispensable to the
completeness of a girl's education that she should have at her command
the terms and the principles of Fortifcation. Nevertheless so it is
that
among the extant memorials of that early training time — in which the
brothers and the sisters of this family took their part, I find
outlines of fortified towns — engraved, coloured, and shaded, the names
having been written in upon these outines by the learner; so we see
glacis, counterscarp, bastion, fosse, lines of circumvallation; and it
happens that rough drafts of poems and of hymns that have since come to
be well known, far and wide, were scrawled upon the margins of some of
these lessons in the art of war! Certain branches of knowledge that are
quite remote from the range of ordinary education were in fact made
familiar to all of this family by these comprehensive methods of
teaching; and if in some cases the intellectual gain could scarcely be
appreciable, no doubt there was a useful discipline involved in the
mere labour of the process.
As to literary ambition, or any eagerness to venture into print, such
impulses were far from the minds alike of parents and of children.
Certainly a contrary feeling was strong with both parents. The early
scribblings of Ann and Jane were known to them, and were not actually
prohibited — yet were never encouraged. Jane, in her earliest years,
had amused herself with the project of writing and publishing a book;
but this was only a pastime of childhood, and it was forgotten at an
after time, along with other games and romances. There is a portrait of
the two sisters, hand in hand, pacing the broad green path of the
garden at Lavenham. The girls — nine years and seven — are supposed to
be reciting, as was their wont, some couplets of their joint
composition, anticipatory of their united authorship in later years. On
his side the intelligence of the father went in the direction of sober
information: it was knowledge and science, rather than literature or
taste, that prevailed with him. On the mother's side, although from her
teens she had been scribbling verses, and although she was herself so
dependent for her daily comfort upon books, she had a decisive feeling
of antagonism toward authorship. The thought of it, if it could have
occurred to her that her daughters were to appear in that position,
would have troubled her. This repugnance toward literature, as a
profession, had not sprung, I think, from a perusal of Disraeli's noted
book, or from any experience of those "calamities" within the family
circle. The feeling had its rise in a dislike of any pursuit that could
not plead in its behalf a direct and intelligible utility. The question
might, indeed, have been put: "Are not these books, a constant supply
of which is so important to your own daily comfort — are not these
books useful? And if so, then have not the authors of them, or many of
them, been well employed in writing them?" This must be granted;
nevertheless, a prejudice against lady authors kept its ground. It is
not improbable that a pungent dislike of certain of the English female
sympathisers with the French Revolution, inclusive of Mary
Wolstonecraft, had given force to this antipathy.
Nevertheless, and in spite of contrary purposes entertained by parents
or children, and notwithstanding the ingrained constitutional modesty
of one or two of these “young persons”, authorship did come upon them,
as if it came with the force of a destiny, or as if what I have
ventured to speak of as a Family Pen, had been thrust between finger
and thumb, volens nolens; and
as if the word had been uttered when the
pen was given: "use this — within the compass of your ability — use it
always to the best purposes". But at this point I may fancy myself to
hear a sarcastic caution from critics of the recent time, warning me
not in any such way to exaggerate the humble performances of a
forgotten literary epoch, or to speak of small things as if they were
great things.
Great or small in the eye of modern
criticism, books of any dimension that last long, and that go far —
even the wide world over — may fairly be named without needing an
apology. It so happens this very day, while I write, that an
advertisement in the day's paper makes mention of new editions of books
that had found their way into tens of thousands of families more than
sixty years ago. Whether criticism be right or wrong in its verdicts,
there must have been a principle of vitality; there must now be a
substance — a moral force — in books that maintain their first repute
over and beyond sixty years, and that, throughout this lapse of time,
have been in favour wherever English is the language of families. There
is no ground of boasting this instance. The principle that has given
this vitality to these little books is of a sort that removes them from
the jurisdiction of mere criticism. It is a fact not
questionable that these books have had a great share in carrying
forward the moral and religious education of at least the religiously
disposed mass of two or three generations: and what is true of the
families which have accepted them on this side of the Atlantic, is true
to the fullest extent as to those on the other side, and the same in
every English colony.
I may be admitted to give evidence touching what I have known of my
late sister's turn of mind, and her principles, and her motives as a
writer; but in doing this I am carried back to Devonshire and to
Cornwall. The years of our companionship in Devon and Cornwall were
almost my sister's last years as a writer. She wrote little after the
time of our last return from the western counties. The recollections I
retain of those daily conversations, in which, incidentally, she
uttered her inmost mind on subjects of this sort, are recollections of
places, and of scenes, quite as much as of firesides. I should not much
care to ramble about in North Devon now that railways have gone
thither, and that excursionists in crowds have broken in upon its sweet
solitudes! There was a time when the region of which Ilfracombe is the
centre had an aspect of seclusion that was highly favourable to
tranquil musings, and especially to religious meditations, when such
meditations have received a tone from constitutional pensiveness, and
also from the discipline of events: it was pensiveness, not melancholy.
So long ago as the years I have now in view, an hour's ramble upon the
rocks at low water, or over hills eastward or westward, might be freely
taken with scarcely a chance of encountering a human creature —
certainly not a visitor from the outer world.
Thus Jane describes one
of these solitudes. A drear lone place:
Bare hills and barren downs for
miles you trace Ere is attain'd the
unfrequented place;
And when arrived, the traveller starts to find
So
wild a spot the abode of humankind.
In these rambles:
Mid scatter'd rocks on Devon's
northern sea
she found great pleasure in examining:
those gay watery grots —
Small
excavations on a rocky shore,
That seem
like fairy baths, or mimic wells,
Richly emboss'd with choicest weed
and shells
As if her trinkets
Nature chose to hide
Where nought invaded
but the flowing tide.
In longer walks inland, over the moors, she would find the text of her
meditations while tracing
The curious work of Nature
— A
work commenced when
Time began its race,
And not yet finish'd
The rich grey mosses broider'd on a rock.
It would be a mistake to infer from this taste for reclusion, and this
relish of Nature — when not gaily attired — that my sister's mood was
gloomy, or unsocial, or ascetic. It was quite
otherwise. Wit and pensiveness have in several noted instances shown
themselves to be two phases of the same intellectual conformation.
There is not a paragraph in what she has written for young or for
mature readers that is of a morbid or sullen quality. All has a healthy
complexion. No sentiment is in any such way individualized as that it
would not easily combine with an energetic and cheerful performance of
ordinary duties. This is the rule — a cheerful mood, and a readiness
for useful and charitable offices, must always be right and good for
each and for all of us, young and old — whatever may be the tendency of
the individual temperament. My sister might indeed indulge feeling and
imagination in a morning's walk, but when she returned to her little
study and took pen in hand, she thought no longer of herself, but only
of her reader — and especially of her young reader. There was no
insincerity in this case. At the time of our sojourn — a sojourn of
several years — in Devon and Cornwall, there had come upon her a
breadth of feeling as to the discharge of what I venture to call her
ministry through the press. A ten years of this ministry, with an
ever-increasing extension of its field, had at length availed to put
her constitutional diffidence out of countenance, if so one might say;
for there could no longer be room to doubt that an opportunity was
presented to her — a door was opened, and it was a wide door, and a
sense of responsibility thence ensued: it was as if, when she had her
pen in hand, a great congregation of the young — from childhood up to
riper years, had come within reach of her vision and her voice — even
of so feeble a voice. Was it fame that she cared for? I find in her
home letters of this date, frequent expressions of this kind: a warm
commendation of a new volume had appeared in some monthly publication —
she asks to see it, and says: "I am much more anxious to see blame than
praise, and the thought that you may keep back anything of that kind
would fidget and discourage me beyond measure."
Gifted in an unusual degree with an insight of human nature, my
sister's humbleness of mind saved her from the cynical mood. Writing to
a friend — an authoress, she says, "It is only studying nature,
without which I could do nothing. If you are at a loss for a character,
take mine, and you will find faults enough to last out a whole volume.
I assure you that I take greater liberties with myself in that way than
with any of my friends or neighbours; and I have really found so far,
that the beam in my own eye makes me see more clearly how to take the
mote out of theirs."
The change from Devon to Cornwall was not for the better as to scenery.
Mount's Bay, in a bright morning, a fair sample of what the English
coast, south and west, has to show in that line; but it should be seen
in sunshine; whereas — and this is the commendation of the North Devon
coast — wintry skies and rolling seas suit it well, and give it a charm
in harmony with itself. Nevertheless, if the material of Cornwall was
less to her taste, the immaterial yielded more than a compensation.
Friendships were formed at Marazion which came home to her affectionate
nature, and which, moreover, were of a sort differing much from those
of earlier years. These new friendships brought into view an aspect of
Christian earnestness with which my sister had not hitherto been
intimately conversant. Her early intimacies had been of the sort to
which might be applied the epithet — Christianized intellectualism. The
friendships which had their beginning in Cornwall were, in a more
decisive sense, Christian-like. Among these, I think I may be free to
mention one, the effect of which upon my sister's feelings, and, I
might say, upon her opinions and purposes, was very perceptible. If I
use the words friendship or intimacy in this instance, such terms must
submit to a qualification, or to an abatement of their usual
sense. The Christian lady — Lydia
Grenfell, who had
been the betrothed of so eminent a person as the missionary, Henry
Martyn — was herself indeed an eminent person. If you were in her
company half an hour only, you felt her high quality as a Christian
woman: you would say, this is one who, if called to accept the crown of
martyrdom, might be looked to as fit and ready to wear it; and when her
actual history came to be known, you would understand that indeed she
had passed through a fiery trial not at all less severe than many a
martyrdom.
This personal history does not come within my range in this instance.
What I have to do with is — the silent influence of a year's contact
with this heroic lady. Hers was a heroism graced with profound
humility. This contact could not fail to find elements congenial in the
temperament of one like Jane Taylor. Yet the constitutional framework
of the two minds was widely dissimilar; but there was a connecting
link: devotedness, in a Christian sense, and a preference always of the
claims of duty, had been Jane's rule and principle; but now there was
in her view daily a devotedness that had carried the victim through the
fire of intense suffering. My sister had proffered her services to Miss
Grenfell as a teacher in the Sunday School at Marazion, and it was
while labouring in the school that she obtained a more intimate
knowledge of this lady's eminent qualities than the occasions of
ordinary intercourse could have imparted. The result was an enhanced
sense of responsibility in the use of any gift or talent that may be
employed in promoting the welfare of those around us, or of any whose
welfare we may in any way consider as coming within the circle of our
influence. Viewed in this light, authorship and literary repute, while
they lost importance in one sense, rose in value in another sense. This
deepened feeling of responsibility may be traced in my sister's letters
to the members of her family and to her intimate friends.
When I thus speak of authorship, and, of the estimate that is formed by
a writer of the value of literary reputation, there is a condition that
should be kept in view. If a writer thrusts into a place of secondary
regard his or her literary reputation, and aims at a higher mark with a
steady purpose, the question presents itself — what in fact is the
offering that is thus laid upon the altar? At the time when, as I am
now affirming, my sister's acquaintance with this Christian lady was
producing a deep and silent effect upon her own mind, and upon her
course as a writer, she had achieved what maybe called a second success
in her own literary sphere. There had been an interval of several years
between the publication of Original
Poems and Hymns, and
the
appearance of several volumes addressed to mature readers. These
volumes, from the moment of publication, were successful in a very
unusual degree. Large editions came out, from year to year. Whatever
Jane Taylor put forth, was warmly greeted by the public that had
learned to look for her name. Literary ladies who may have been
successful in an equal degree, would not, I think, be severely blamed
by their friends if they did show some elation, or seemed conscious of
the favour they had won. As to this successful writer — so I can affirm
— she suffered no damage to her humbleness of heart, or none that could
be detected by those nearest to her, from all the fame she had
acquired. This is my testimony concerning her. What she wrote after
this time was often playful, and sparkled with wit; but nothing
indicated an overthrow of that balance of the mind which had always
been her distinction — it was her characteristic. Known or unknown to
the world, she was always sober-minded, she was always willing to abide
in the shade, she was always near at hand for any work of
friendship or of charity: to the very end — I mean to the day of her
last attendance at public worship — she was a diligent Sunday school
teacher.
In her earlier productions Jane Taylor wrote in combination
with her still surviving sister, concerning whom a testimony of similar
import might be borne — but she survives. In her later writings, or
some of them, she took a part with her mother, who had already
published successfully. Of her, and of others of the family into whose
hand a pen has come, there may be room to say what would occupy another
page.
Books many, and more than might easily be catalogued, have been put
forth with a preface or advertisement very much resembling what here
follows: "To any who may glance at the following pages, it will be
unnecessary to observe, that they were not designed by the writer for
the public eye — that they were, what they profess to have been, the
effusions of a mother's solicitude for the welfare of a beloved child;
for there is too little appearance of study throughout, to excite a
suspicion that the character, or the circumstances, are assumed. A
parent who, from increasing infirmities, found it difficult frequently
to converse with her child, adopted this method of conveying
instruction and of presenting the fruits of experience to an
inexperienced mind."
Whether or not similar apologies for publication may always have been
absolutely warrantable, or quite true to the facts of the case, this
apology was strictly so. Long (several years) had the manuscript been
in hand: no thought of publication had entered the mind of the writer,
who was then midway in her fifty-sixth year, and who, as I have already
said, although herself a great consumer of books, entertained a sort of
prejudice — if not against authors at large, yet certainly against lady
authors, who, as she often said, would have done better to employ
themselves in mending the family stockings. But so it
comes about that manuscripts — all ready for the printer, do, somehow,
find their way into the printer's hand: this is the "wont way" of
manuscripts that have been long in store: "it was suggested" to this
writer "that what was likely to benefit an individual, might, if
communicated, become useful to others", and so the book at length came
out — a publisher being an accessory before the fact. True also, and I
think quite in harmony with the writer's inmost feeling, is what
follows when she says, "To other families," in consequence of the
opinion to which she had listened, "this endeavour to employ her pen
beneficially is commended, without solicitude for its reputation:" that
is to say, its reputation in a literary sense. It was so in truth;
and a son may be allowed to affirm as much as this for his mother. A
constitutional retiringness — a taste for home duties, a willingness to
live and die unknown — these dispositions had kept her, although always
pen in hand, far out of the way of publication, even until so late in
life. She then began a ten years' course of authorship; and on the
supposition that success may be taken as evidence of qualification,
this
sort of warranting attended my mother's books — from the first of them
to the last. What would now be reckoned a success was won by these
volumes. The tranquil and pensive meditative strain,
the practical tendency of every page, and the quiet religious tone,
undoubtedly evangelic, but not methodistical, found a religious public
prepared to listen to a matronly writer who was thus qualified to lead
it through green pastures and by noiseless streams, on what one might
call the sunny side of the Valley of Humiliation.
Those were indeed good days — fifty years ago — for writers of the
class with which my mother's name would stand connected. There
was then a public, especially a female public, that had, for a long
while, been well held in hand by writers of whom Hannah More was
undoubtedly the chief. Hannah More protégée, call her, of
Dr. Johnson, Miss Hamilton, and a half dozen writers, some Christian
and some in various degrees Christianized, and therefore antagonistic
to Maria
Edgeworth and to those who were then tainted with the French
Revolution atheism. This indulgent public — under tilth as one might
say — had, at a later time, received a broadcast of vigorous thought
from the hands of Robert Hall,
John Foster, Olinthus
Gregory, and
others of the clique that were banded together as the staff of the Eclectic Review. (In
this staff my elder sister, Ann, was then
numbered, and she had won for herself, some years earlier, a good
position among these able writers.) It was not that either the mother
or the daughter Jane had made any pretensions of this kind; but she
entered upon a field in a corner of which there was room for her, and
where she came to be cordially welcomed. The books of which I am
speaking were published long before the coming on of the modern
agonistic paroxysm in literature. The entire period of a generation
intervenes between that distant easy time and the modern era of
sensation novels and of “series", and of mortal elbowings for life, for
fame, and for cash. In those remote eras zephyrs whispered in trees,
tornadoes did not tear them up by the roots; straws might take their
gambols in snug corners, but oaks were not shivered limb from limb. The
time that is now next in turn to come will show whether there may not
be needed a return to a slower rate of going. Perhaps literature, in
its next stage, will have dropped out of the gallop and fallen into the
trot or the amble — which last pace is, in truth, the pace that suits
it best. In that time to come literature may have learned to keep
itself within the limits of spontaneous thought; and books may be
written for a long-meditated purpose; and not urged into brief
existence by application of hot-irons and cataplasms.
In a family of which the daughters and the mother had written
successfully, it was likely that the father, who himself had written,
and who through life had been teeming with educational thought, should
essay to write and to publish. To him also — on his own field — a good
measure of favour was shown; and he also, from out of the stores of
many years of laborious experience in the conveyance of knowledge, and
in the expression of sober truths, brought forward his contribution
toward furnishing the shelves in a family library with several highly
serviceable volumes. The educational outfit in these times, it is true,
has needed books more elaborately worked up. Nevertheless, some of
these of olden fashion have not, as yet, been superseded.
Inasmuch as in this paper I abstain alike from encomium and from
criticism, neither of which would at all become me, and as I am
speaking of the family pen, estimated according to one rule only —
which is a rule of easy application — namely, success — I am free to
introduce here the name of my brother Jefferys, some while ago
deceased. He was gifted; he had his faculty, his talent, and he also
drew to himself many readers; and a time may come when the genuine
humour and the strong sense that were at his command may bring his
books again
into notice. **
In the first page of this paper
I have asked a hearing
from the "Courteous Reader"; and now I may well wish that any reader
who is not good-natured and candid would get himself out of hearing. If
he will please to do so; then I may go on a step or two further, in
making up a report concerning the Family Pen. In doing this, my kind
reader will indulge me, individually, with only as much personal
visibility as may be needed in uttering a word or two in the
autobiographical style. I must do what I am now intending to do, in
that broken and elliptical manner — or if not so, then not at all.
About the date of my earliest adventure in literature (otherwise than
as one of an editor's staff) — or let it be about five and forty years
ago, it chanced that late one sultry afternoon, I was going from shop
to shop in Holborn and Middle Row, among the dealers in old books. I
was inquiring for some volume, I forget what, not very often asked for.
The young man behind the counter to whom I put my question, was perhaps
busy in attending to a more important customer; and then it is likely
that he, had to make search for the book I had named upon some
out-of-the-way shelf of the back shop. Meantime, there was on the
counter a volume of which I then knew nothing: I took my seat, and just
to while away the time I opened and read — up and down in this volume.
The neat perspicuous style of the writer was its first attraction, but
then the substance and the animus of the book were a still greater
attraction. Until that summer's evening I had believed that I knew as
much perhaps of Church history as there could be any need to know. I
had read or had listened to Mosheim and Milner;
and perhaps a book or
two beside; but if so — and if it be Church history in its reality that
is contained and treated of in those heavy books — if so, then what may
be the meaning of this book! To me this casual eading was the sudden
lifting up of a veil, so that the veritable things of the third and
fourth century might be gazed at, and rightfully understood; and so an
inference might be gathered. I do not now remember whether the young
man at the shop in Middle Row found the volume I had at first asked
for; but it is certain that I eagerly paid him his price for a copy of
the extant writings of SULPICIUS SEVERUS.
This book is now on my table; a
little book it is, but it has been the harbinger of many folios.
Yet how could it be that this small volume — and even small portion of
it, should thus have the power to put me aghast, and should lead me to
think that, hitherto, I had known nothing — or nothing in its genuine
figure and colours — of the Christianity of the early Christian ages?
That it should be so was no doubt a fault; or it had come from
inadvertence, or from a careless credulity, not perhaps highly culpable
at that time. It is certain that if I had duly considered the import of
a few paragraphs or sentences in Mosheim, and in Jortin,
and in Milner;
and, moreover, if I had trusted Gibbon where he may
safely be trusted,
I could not thus have failed to gather the meaning of those writers, or
have remained substantially ignorant of what the aspect of the
Christianized southern people of Europe really was in the fourth
century. But who is this Sulpicius Severus? He was the contemporary,
and the intimate friend, though a junior, of Paulinus, the
Bishop of
Nola. Inquire then for a volume of about the same bulk-containing the
poetry and the epistles of this (Christian) bishop. Then you will find
enough of the obdurate, and, as it seems, the incorrigible paganism of
those sunny lands: even this paganism — gilt, varnished, and got up
anew, after a dozen of names stolen from the New Testament have been
neatly veneered into the places of the gods and goddesses of the
ancient worship. Why then have modern writers left us in almost total
ignorance of the simple truth in these matters? There are several
reasons that might be mentioned, but which I must not now stay to bring
forward.
The two or three books which in this incidental manner I had
now got possession of, were far from contenting me: they did but
quicken an appetite which must be satisfied. In a word, I could not
rest where I then stood. I could not bring my own perplexed thoughts
concerning our Christianity into any sort of quiescence until I had
surrounded myself, in part at least, with the means of knowing how it
has fared with Christianity in working its way, on and on, through many
centuries, over rough ground, with our crooked and wayward human nature
as its travelling companion.
But here I have to enter a caution to the effect that I may be fairly
quit of what is merely personal in this paper, and may stand clear of
serious blame, at least in the view of my candid reader. I do not
forget that am entering upon a Preserve in thus talking about
ecclesiastical literature; and I should show my certificate, officially
endorsed, as a warrant for such an intrusion. But if I hold in hand no
such certificate — no warrant at all, then I am seeming to make a
pretension which must need an apology. Church history, and heavy folios
of Latin and Greek, are for the clergy, and for the learned. But I am
not clerical; and as to learning, I have ever abstained from what might
sound like a challenge on the ground of scholarship. Where, then, is my
justification? A word or two will convey the whole of my plea — if,
indeed, I have any plea. I have cared little in the circuit of
antiquity for what is purely matter of taste or erudition. I have cared
little for antiquarianism of any sort; but I have cared intensely for
whatever may be found to bear upon the history of our human nature, as
it has played its part upon this arena of mysteries — the field of
religious development, ancient and modern. Most of all, and with an
eager curiosity, I have desired to know whatever may be known of the
history of nations GOD-WARD, through the lapse of ages. But if so, then
the hundred, or the two hundred of volumes, usually designated as ecclesiastical,
constitute, in mass, the principal part of the
materials of any such apparatus. Consequently, whoever has surrendered
himself to meditation on this
ground, and is sincerely anxious to know
the truth, must acquaint himself, more or less perfectly, with these
extant documents of Church history. Cost what it may to purchase these
volumes — cost what it may to make some acquaintance with them, both of
these costs must be submitted to; or if this may not be, then you
should throw up the wish and intention to know anything, in a genuine
manner, of what our Christianity has been, and of what phases it has
worn, and of what disguises have come to wear its names, in these many
centuries past.
The reply which I may hear is this: "Not so — you need neither buy
the books, nor read them. Here at hand are the modern Church history
writers. These writers were learned men; and they have done what they
have done authentically. Do you dare to mistrust them? Do you think
that they would wilfully mislead you? and have they not crowded the
foot of almost every page with quotations in Greek and Latin, or with
references to books?" To this pointed question — put perhaps in angry
tone, "Do I mistrust the writers and compilers of Church history?" my
reply is simply this. I do not know, nor can I ever know, whether I may
safely trust, or should mistrust, these writers, until I have looked
into the original materials for myself. Besides, it is not a question
of the mere trustworthiness of writers — using that word in its vulgar
acceptation. The bare facts may have been stated in dry accordance with
the evidence; but yet I may fail to see and to apprehend the veritable
things of a remote age. Very few writers — and it is very few on the
field of religious history, have been gifted with the seeing eye, or
the imaginative faculty, that are requisite for understanding, and for
spreading out to view, the actions, and the actors, and the scenes of
those times. Gibbon could do this — when he willed to do it; but he had
no consciousness of the religious life, and he could do nothing better
than picture, in a false sense, what came before him, and what could be
interpreted only on the hypothesis of the reality of the religious life.
Nor is it merely the want of a faculty or of a natural endowment that
has been the disparagement of Church history writers. All of them, or
all of them in these post-Reformation ages, have written with an
intention, or for a purpose, avowed or concealed. If, indeed, they are
impartial, they have been soulless; or if full of feeling, the feeling
has been animus; and it has betrayed itself in every paragraph. Read Bossuet,
or read Milner, and say if it be not so! The sheer reality of
things — our human nature, such as it is, no more shows itself in these
works than it does in Chateaubriand's Genie du Christianisme, or
other books of historic romance, written to further "a cause". Church
history has been written by learned presbyters, by learned bishops, by
learned professors in colleges; nor is this to be wondered at or
blamed; but then Church history has all along been clerical or
professional; it has come from a well-defined point of view; nor has it
in any instance betrayed the body-ecclesiastical whence proximately it
has sprung. I will be bold to say that there is good room on this
ground for something better; better than the mystified Germans have
given us, or even Neander.
We do not want profound philosophisings
about Church history; we want the religious history of the nations
among whom the Gospel has been preached, and has been instituted. If
any such history as this has appeared, it has not chanced to come in my
way. I have not heard of it; but it will be granted to us in its time;
it is, as we say, a want of the time now passing, and it will be
forthcoming, so I surmise, in the proximate decade of time.
The writing a history — ecclesiastical or political — is no trifling
affair; it should be the business of a life, and it should be
undertaken by those who lack no qualification for the task which they
freely bring upon their shoulders. It may, however, be lawful for those
who would shrink from any such enormous undertaking as this to indulge
in trains of meditation which may have been suggested to them in the
lapse of years by the mere presence of books, and by such acquaintance
with them as may have accrued incidentally or purposely from year to
year in forty years.
To write a book, or even to put forth a pamphlet, is to challenge a
world of contradiction, and to wake up criticism. Most of all is this
the case if the subject touches tender places in theology, or treads
anywhere upon ecclesiastical sensitiveness. One cannot think half an
hour upon any such subject, while the thought of a book or a pamphlet
is entertained, just in the same simple-hearted manner in which one may
indulge meditations on the very same field, when no hypothesis of
publication is at all presumable. The two styles of thinking are
essentially dissimilar. Whatever it be that is thought, written, and
committed to the printer, is, in some sense, antagonistic; it is
avowedly so, or tacitly it is so. One puts on armour, and takes spear
in hand; one buckles up to confront the enemy in print. Wholly of
another sort are those tranquil musings which, at the furthest, will
not travel beyond the limit of the amiable home circle. And now, at
this point, indulgent reader, let me indulge myself in affirming the
blessedness of a secluded country life: it is here, and it is in the
midst of meadows and ploughed fields that one may think, and not fear.
It is here that editations, innocent of treason, innocent of heresy,
and clear of wrongful imputations, may be indulged in through half a
century!
Trains of thought, taking their rise from the books on the shelves
around, will not fail to show a reflection, or a refraction from the
objects and the movements of the outer world. So it has been,
therefore, that while, in that outer world, and in the religious
quarter of that world, deep-going revolutions have been running their
round; meditations which have taken their text or their colour from
books have come to be entangled with the agitations of the outer world.
This word of explanation may be needed for what is to follow.
Meditations that are silent, and are not destined to the printer,
differ greatly from thoughts and conclusions that are likely to be put
into type. These latter do not appear until after they have been packed
in chapters; and strung into paragraphs, and have been made to pass
repeated revisions, and strengthened with foot-notes; and riveted with
references — they are, or are intended to pass for, workmanlike work.
Not so meditations of the first-mentioned sort. These are the slowly
accruing inductions of thousands of chance thoughts: they are like
coral formations — they are the unnoticed increments of day after day,
while summer and winter, seedtime and harvest, have been running their
noiseless round. If you ask me how it is that I have come to think so
and so upon debated questions, or where are my authorities; or what is
my warrant for conclusions of this colour, perhaps I am not able at the
moment to come down with book and chapter. The best I can do is to
say, that, if you require me to write, and then to print on the
subject, I will give the requisite attention to it, and shall be
prepared to come out — it may be three months hence or twelve. But I am
now ready to affirm that the slowly formed involuntary inductions of
thirty or forty years may be of more genuine quality than the laboured
work of preparation for getting out a book, whether at longer or
shorter notice. But what is to become of any such random meditations?
Book them, and then they cease to be what I would acknowledge as indeed
the whole of my mind on this or that subject. Print them, and then they
forfeit their quality. If it be so, your reply will be: "Leave your
musings where they are — floating about in your home circle. The world
will go on its way, content to know nothing of what you may have
thought." I can easily bring myself to believe this; nevertheless, I am
impelled to throw out, at random, a page or so of meditations on at
least one subject, that has never been for any length of time out of my
mind.
In these years, while I have lived among the books of which just now I
have said something, a movement has been going on in the World of
Thought — sometimes as an under-current — noiseless and unseen —
sometimes, as lately it has done, frothing up and bubbling on the
surface, like the scalding waters of Iceland — but the drift is ever
the same; nor is the issue to be doubted — if it goes on — the drift or
direction is toward the dark abyss wherein human thought is lost. Some
way before that issue is arrived at, there are stations at which a halt
will be made, and where a new turn may be taken. Many, we may "well
believe it — more than a few, shall stop short of the abyss, and they
will hold fast to their hope. There are reasons enough why they should
do so; but with these I am not at this time concerned. What I intend is
to ask the before-named indulgent reader of this paper to listen to a
page of perhaps incoherent meditations which haunt the place where I
sit, surrounded with books.
As I look round at my shelves, no very difficult effort of the
imagination is needed for fancying that the writers of these folios —
the great orators, the martyrs, the theologues, the apologists, the
doctors — these worthies stand out, each in front of his own literary
creation, and that where and while they so make their appearance, I am
gifted with an ear to hear what they say, and am gifted also with a
faculty of speech, so that I may freely put searching questions to
them, and then may listen to catch their answers. In realizing a
conception of this sort I find myself very greatly helped out — ideally
— by pictorial means. Often and often, as I have opened these folios, I
have looked anew at the effigies of the men — the Fathers of that time.
As to several of these effigies, they are copies, carefully made, as it
is evident, from the iIluminated manuscripts of the works of the
Father, and many of them show so much of verisimilitude, as to costume,
and as to the surrounding embellishments, and they agree so well,
physiognomically, with the good man's reputed dispositions and conduct,
that one is forced to accept them as genuine portraitures. So it is, or
thus I believe — stood erect, and so looked while in presence of the
illuminating limner — the noted leaders of that age. Thus 'O' ΑΓΙΟΣ Ephraim
the Syrian — and thus the great Athanasius; and
if, in this
instance, the portrait be a mere invention of the artist, then that
artist must indeed have been gifted in a marvellous degree with
the realizing conceptive faculty; for indeed this august figure, and
this attitude, and this unearthly countenance, are a fitting image of
the man who sustained a martyrdom of many years, upheld by the faith of
"things unseen and eternal". And thus looked the puritanic Theodoret;
and thus also the luxurious scholar, gentleman, and monk, the great Basil.
And thus Chrysostom, the
golden-mouthed orator, copious in
exposition of Holy Scripture; and thus Epiphanius, and
thus others who,
with more or less of authenticity, as works of art, have left us in
these illuminations the means of thinking of them, such as they were,
in habit, in their attire, and in expression of countenance.
But while thus by these means I see, as if here present, the noted men
of that age, it is many more than them selves individually that come
into view; for the men of their time to whom they spoke are present
also — even the congregation that thronged the basilica — and that
listened, and that broke forth in loud plaudits with clapping of hands.
Or to cite another instance, that of the holy man named above, Ephraim,
the monk and the preacher and poet of Edessa. It is thus that I read,
opening the volume at a chance — "Beloved, if thou art minded to enter
this place [monastery] and wouldest spend thy days among us, and
wouldest here, serve the Lord Jesus Christ, then listen to me." Thus
reading, it is not the good man alone that comes into view; but it is
the cowled companions of his ascetic mode of life it is the forty
or the fifty brethren of this coenobium. These all enter by right
into the vision of Christian antiquity; they come following their
abbot. Admit the principal, then, the brethren slip in at the same
door. So it will be also with the abbot Nilus, who governed
several
neighbouring monasteries (convents of monks) around the Nitrian
salt-lakes, deep hid in the burning wilderness, westward in the
Libyan
desert: the father abbot comes, and with him there is a deputation of
the brethren, and along with these there are several hundred Christian
people to whom his epistles were addressed, who needed comfort, rebuke,
or instruction. Journeying some way farther along the
African coast, I find the illustrious Augustine: he is
writing, or
preaching, or visiting his flock; or he is in conference with his
presbyters and deacons. This great and good man, to say the truth,
occupies as much space on my shelves as I can well spare him, for he
comes with (or within) thirteen imperial folios, and each volume
contains over a thousand pages. I find him, just now, addressing his
stated congregation in the episcopal church, and the keynote of these
discourses is to this effect — the words are the very first that have
met the eye as I open a volume, by chance; and I ask my reader to keep
them in mind ready for what I may have to say about them presently. The
bishop — his arm is outstretched, and his hand is upward pointed — thus
speaks: "Our hope, my brethren, springs not from the things of this
present time, nor is it a hope of this present world, nor does it bear
upon those things which blind the minds of men who forget God. Not of
this sort is our hope; but it takes its hold upon — I know not what,
which God has promised, and which man has not as yet received." With
such a word as this on his lips (a word which Plato would have eagerly
listened to, and Cicero also, although not Aristotle) there can be no
doubt that the fervent Bishop of Hippo shall be invited to come in, and
he may bring with him his hearers, how many soever they may be. Thus I
find that I am gathering into my study indeed a goodly company — it is
a great congregation: or I may say it is “a great cloud of
witnesses". I do not in this place employ that word "witness" in the
apostolic sense, as if it meant the passive spectators of a transaction
and of the actors therein, on a stage, or on the
arena of a Roman amphitheatre. But those whom I thus challenge are to
give their evidence in the forensic sense of the word — they are
witnesses called into court where a great cause is in question, and
where pleadings and counter-pleadings are even now to be listened to.
The suit in progress relates to the hope of an inheritance
incorruptible and eternal; and the witnesses that are now standing at
the door, ready to answer to their names, are required, each in his
time, and each in his own manner, to vouch for the fact that a great
revolution — wide in its range, permanent in its results, deep in its
bearing upon human nature — had been effected and was still extant, and
was then in progress at the hour when the said witness lived and had
knowledge of the facts. I am not intending, according to the customary
dogmatic usage, to cite authorities, book, chapter, and page, of this
or that edition, in support of the articles of a creed. To do this may
be quite proper in a proper place; but this is not a place proper for
any purpose of that sort. What I wish to do — so far as it may be done
within the compass of ten or twelve pages — is, to put in view a rough
outline of facts which, unless we can give some other and a reasonable
explanation of them, must receive a Christian explanation, involving
the weighty consequences which thence ensue.
If in this manner I go from shelf to shelf, around my little library,
inviting the authors of these books to answer to their names when
summoned to do so, I ought to consider from what distant regions they
must come. The men themselves, and their Christian contemporaries, will
have come from the glowing heights of Sinai, and from the deserts
beyond: they will have come from the green slopes and valleys of
Palestine, and from the sultry gorge of the Jordan, and from the wooded
clefts of Lebanon: they must have come from the Syrian coastward, and
from the then populous provinces of Asia Minor, and from the Aegean
Islands, from Cyprus, and Rhodes; as also from Cilicia, and Cappodocia,
and Pontus, and Paphlagonia,
and Galatia, and Phrygia, and Pisidia, and Lycia, and Caria, and Lydia, and Mysia, and Bithynia, and
from thence
over to Thrace, and Macedonia. This is not a barren list of names,
geographical only in its meaning, for each name of a province, and of
each principal city in each province, wakes up a vivid recollection;
and with each name is associated the name of some martyr or preacher —
not wanting the names of accomplished men, who were the lights of their
era. The time would fail me to speak of Nazianzen,
and of Nyssen,
and
of Basil, and of Cyril,
and of Eusebius,
and of Epiphanius.
We pass on then to Greece proper, and so
round about into Italy, and thence to Gaul, and to Spain, and to Lusitania, and to Britain, Caledonia and
Hibernia. The circuit thence
is to North Africa, and so on to Egypt, and to Abyssinia. Beyond these
borders of the Imperium Romanum we should travel far, and yet
everywhere should find our brethren in Christ. Everywhere I should find
those who, whatever may be their vernacular, yet if I uttered in their
hearing the few words which just now I have cited from a sermon of the
Bishop of Hippo, would start up at the sound, and would repeat this
confession as their own confession, and would say: "This is our hope,
as it is yours; the Christ whom you preach is `both yours and ours';
for to us of the furthest East, and to those of the remotest West, it
is true that there is one hope of our calling — Christ in us the hope
of the life eternal." So it is, that from the rising of the sun to the
going down of the same, the Saviour of the world has already been
proclaimed and trusted in.
And as the area geographically is large, from every part of which these
witnesses for Christ may be summoned, so are the years many during the
lapse of which this witness-bearing has been heard. If I take the
testimony in the manner already spoken of, that is to say, from the
books around me, then, in chronological order, the witness-roll of
antiquity will extend itself through much more than a thousand years. I
listen, and I hear this TESTIMONY, ever the same in its subject, and
its substance, and its awful unearthly import. I hear it in the mild
paternal voices of the apostolic Clement and his
colleagues. I hear it
in the dying confession of Ignatius, and of
Polycarp,
and of a great
company — even the "noble army of martyrs”. I catch the words of this
confession — immortal sounds they are, audible amidst the howlings of
the beasts of the amphitheatre, and the yells of the ten thousand
assessors of those imperial shows. I hear this testimony in the moans
of those women of Bithynia, whom Pliny —
gentleman and philosopher —
tortured to no purpose; and of the women who were torn to the death at
Lyons and Vienne. The testimony comes also in the irrisive taunts of Athenagoras,
and in the remonstrances of Tatian, of Irenaeus, of Pantaenus,
and in the Martyr
Justin's noble pleadings for mercy and
justice; and in the strenuous reasonings of Tertullian, and
in the
learned eloquence of Origen; in all
these many voices there is one
testimony, the testimony of men and of women, who would not win a
release from fires and racks, or the teeth of beasts, by denying their
hope of "a better resurrection". Thus we move onward along the track of
time; and if, in the earlier age, we have held converse with sufferers
"of whom the world was not worthy", we find ourselves, in the centuries
next ensuing, in the company of men — philosophers, orators, and
accomplished writers — who take up the same testimony, and make the
same profession of their allegiance to Christ, and of their hope in Him
who is "the way, the truth, and the life".
These witnesses, whom I thus
summon, coming as they do from lands far
remote, and belonging as they do to many eras, and speaking each in his
vernacular, are distinguished by every diversity of national character,
and of individual disposition and training. These differences are
extreme; and the instruction which they had severally received varied
in all degrees between that of the Coptic monk, who knew nothing beyond
his local dialect, and the man of universal erudition — the master of
many languages and of many philosophies. Such were Origen, Clement,
Eusebius, Jerome.
Differ as these writers might, as to the conditions
of their birth and their education, and differ also as they might by
the variety and the amount of their acquirements; or seem to differ as
they might, if required to put the specialities of a creed into the
terms of a formal confession of faith, article by article, yet it will
be true that, looked at, listened to, on grounds which I shall mention,
this testimony is always One Testimony; it is so, not as if by force,
binding together many separate elements, but as by the inner harmony of
principles which can never be held apart.
In this paper I excuse myself from the logical obligation of throwing
my meditations into a book-like order. I am not compelled (an indulgent
reader will not compel me) to put the first things foremost, and the
second-rate things in a second place; but to take my instances and
illustrations just as they come to hand. And inasmuch as these random
thoughts are thoughts among books, so it shall be that these instances
shall be such as may show their bookish origin.
I should judge it to be a misunderstanding of what I mainly intend, if
now, with the two sets of books in my view — the classical, or, as we
call
them, the profane authors, on the one side, and the Christian authors
on the other side — I should set myself to work to make up an argument
in the manner of an antithesis, so as by all means to give effect to a
contrast. In truth, I could not undertake to show that the light of
pagan antiquity was a darkness, not a light. Ungracious, as well as
wrongful and superfluous, would be the endeavour to disparage the
ancient splendour — its philosophy, its oratory, its poetry, its art.
The Greek intelligence, and by consequence the Roman, was indeed an
effulgence, and it is so to this present moment; and as
such it will continue to be looked to and admired, so long as mind is
mind. But the light of classic antiquity was as the diffused
illumination of a cloudy day. There was then no direct radiation from
above; and when at noon of an over-clouded day the sun suddenly shines
forth in his power, we all rejoice in those beams — ανϖθεν, nor do we
think we do a wrong to the ancient classic splendour to exclaim, “The
darkness is passed, and the True Light now shineth".
This is the apostolic profession: "The Darkness is past, and the TRUE
LIGHT now shineth”; and in such terms as these the Teacher from Heaven
announces His advent. He says: “I am the Light of the world." But has
it been so? Do the facts of the history of the human mind bear out this
assumption? In proof of the affirmative it would be trite, and here it
would be needless and wearisome, to adduce volumes of evidence, under
the several heads of philosophy, and of abstract theology, and of the
humanisation of the social system, and of the elevation of morals. All
these topics are now familiar to all readers; nor are the facts open to
contradiction: they are available in proof of this principal fact —
that CHRIST has been, and is, the Light of the World. I look round upon
these shelves, and see them laden with the products of that
illumination which Christianity has diffused, from age to age — giving
to the brightest minds of each age a true direction, and an impulse
also in that direction: but not to these only. Come with me into the
less frequented corners of my store: look into the remote recesses of
the Christian literature of ages gone by.
A true light, as compared with a meteorologic illumination, or an
artificial radiance, or lamp light, shows its quality in this way, that
it travels right on with a steady force — it moves as with a momenturn
that carries it even into the obscurest corners; into the dimmest
places; into the very nooks of the world. Now for some facts in
illustration of this. I take down from their places some five, six, or
seven books — the works of writers, extant indeed, but now very seldom
mentioned; they are little known or thought of, and seldom quoted. On
my table here, for instance, is Isidore of Pelusium;
and here is Cassian,
the monastic codist, and with him, bound in one, are Fulgentius
and Maxentius;
here also are Methodius,
and Cyril of
Jerusalem, and Synesius,
and then John of
Damascus; and I might easily
name as many more; but these are enough. I ask you now to open at
hazard any one of these books, and in five minutes you will find some
passage, longer or shorter, which might well be cited as evidence of
what is here affirmed. The True Light was there shining, and it is
shining even into the darkest places. This light, as here we find it in
its dimness, is nothing less than the light of the Eternal Effulgence:
it is the light of the knowledge of God in Christ, who is Himself the
brightness of the Father's glory: it is the authentic knowledge of Life
Everlasting: it is the knowledge, moreover, of transgression as sin
against God: and it is the knowledge of repentance, and of the
forgiveness of sins. This is a light — a beam of which we see in these
very books: not in books that are illuminated by the sparkling genius,
and the eloquence, and the various erudition of distinguished men; but
in books that are scarcely recommended by any measure of those
qualities ; and into which no one now ever looks, unless it be for
ascertaining some fact in history or criticism: this true light of
divine knowledge has, assays the Psalmist, “made wise the simple" —
even the simple ones — who were the authors of these sombre, faded,
dust-covered folios. The question might be asked, how was it, as to
these books, so little recommended as they are by intelligence, that
they came to be copied from time to time, and thus made their
appearance in print two or three hundred years ago? Many of the
choicest literary treasures, alas have foundered in the passage of
these dark ages. A reply in full to this question would include some
details relating to the copying system in those times, for which I have
no space in this paper. But a reply in part does
touch my present subject. To a great extent it was the fact that the
class of books now referred to came in turn into the copyist's hands
simply because something must
be done in that line; and as to books on the
classical, or, as we say, the profane side, the supply was rapidly
falling off. The copyist who had already effected a copy of a Homer, or
a Demosthenes, or a Cicero, would seek for something new, if new might
be found. But here would arise a difficulty, for on the side of pagan
literature, books, new books, were becoming rare: it was more and more
so the springs of paganism were running low: the fountains of its
thought were drying up! I will not allege what might provoke an
argument; but will only say what is unquestionable, which is this,
that when we pass forward beyond the times of Lucian, Athenaeus,
Diogenes Laertius, Dion Cassius, writers on the field of pagan classic
literature are becoming very scarce: in fact, the literature of
heathenism is undergoing sublimation: it is ceasing to be. Whether in
philosophy, or in poetry, or oratory, or moral disquisition, the wells
of mind are running dry: it is as if the rubbish of the decaying
temples had slid down into them, choking the sources of water. Take the
facts — they are conspicuous — and draw your inference. THE MASTER of
all thought had now himself come upon the ground. It is CHRIST that had
claimed sovereignty in the world of mind and of feeling: paganism, as a
fruit-bearing tree, was doomed to wither: CHRIST had passed by, and He
had said ooking at the tree, then green in leaf: "Let no man eat fruit
of thee, henceforth for ever." Such fruit of that tree as had actually
been gathered and housed, should be preserved for use in all time
future — it is precious; but as to the tree itself, the sap has been
bled out of the trunk, nor would it return to it any more. Christ says,
"I am the true vine," and every branch that takes not thence its sap is
doomed to wither.
Thus it is written: "He that sat upon the throne said, Behold, I make
all things new." A word from on high it was. But not now to look beyond
the range to which these random meditations are confined, I take from
its place one of that class of books just above mentioned — a third or
fourth rate book — it is The Homilies
of a Coptic Monk; and I bring
this obscure yet edifying writer into comparison with the profound
author of the Phaedo, and the
Phaedrus, and the Apology. As to
intellectuality — immeasurable is the space intervening between the
pious Macarius and the illustrious disciple of Socrates. Nevertheless
this interval is not greater than that which measures the distance
which the human mind and the modern civilisation have passed on, under
the teaching of Christ, beyond the position it had reached under the
teaching of Plato. It is not merely that the Egyptian monk had come
fully into the knowledge of axioms and first principles in theology
which the disciple of Socrates spent his life in groping after, and yet
never attained. This would be only a formal statement of the fact
before us. The Copt ***
had come to know that
GOD, the Creator of the
World, is One — and that He is One in His moral attributes, and that He
is just, and good, and gracious, even as a Father toward His children.
This conception was of a sort that is altogether strange to Greek
Philosophy. In the entire range of classic antiquity, no thoughts, or
any correspondent sentiments of this order come to the surface. "He
that sat upon the throne" had in this sense made all things new,
namely, that the human mind had received a new bent — a bent GOD-WARD;
and thenceforward, and throughout all time, it is held to be true that
there is a life of the soul toward God. God is not henceforward to be
thought of only as an object in philosophy, or as an axiom in
metaphysics, but is to be regarded as the Infinite Being with whom man
is invited to hold communion — even a daily correspondence. Christian
antiquity on the one side, and the brightest products of pagan
antiquity on the other side, then the difference is a disparity
immeasurable with whomsoever this knowledge of God gets an entrance,
all things have indeed become new.
Nor is it merely that the immortality which pagan philosophy surmised,
had now become an undoubted truth — an axiom of the Christian life; but
this doctrine, which had floated as a mist in the view of the loftiest
minds of antiquity, had at length so fixed itself in the vivid
conceptions of the entire mass of Christian people, men; women, and
children, that these, and any of them, were ready to stake life and all
things upon it.
“Behold, I make all things new," then, are we to ask what things they
are, and on what scene of action this "new creation" is to be effected?
Was it from the wilds of savage life, and with the few and the rude
elements of that low order of social organization? If it were so, a
renovation of this kind, and a taming of the ferocious man, and a
humanising of one so brutal, it would be indeed a marvel: wonderful
indeed it is when, under the tutelage of the Christian teacher, this
new creation does take place. Nevertheless, it must be accounted an
event of a higher order — an event worthy of more profound regard, when
races that have held on their way for centuries in a condition of the
most elaborate civilization, including the highest culture, when such
as these are brought over from one condition, intellectual and moral,
to another
condition, intellectual and moral. A new creation of
this kind is indeed amazing. Yet it was a revolution not less signal
than this that took place when the ancient civilization yielded itself
to new and a hitherto unthought-of moral and religious system — a new
belief — a new ethics — a new code of social and political
organization. In the track of time, the revolutions of which I find to
be reported and vouched for in the books that occupy the shelves around
me, these changes — great as they were — were actually brought about.
These revolutions affected the human system to its very depths, and
upon its surface also, and they took their course in the East, and in
the West, and in every land around the Mediterranean. Slowly in some
quarters, very rapidly in other quarters, but at length in all
provinces of the Roman world, and in every city, and wherever any
social polity, and wherever schools and the usages of refined modes of
life had already gone in advance of it, there did this Christianity
come, and come with power: and in the lapse of time it ousted its
rivals, and it cleared a ground for itself, and put to silence the
gainsaying of heathenism, and brought under its sway, and into its
service, the languages, and the discipline, and the manners, and the
morals, and the politics, and the imperial government itself. In all
this manifold revolution there is a verification at large of that word
of power: "He that sat upon the throne said, Behold, I make all things
new."
So it is, then, that the books of which I have spoken in this paper
give their various evidence concerning an EFFECT, vast in its
measurement, and quite unexampled in its quality. And now, when we make
inquiry concerning the spring or CAUSE of so great a revolution, we
find that the cause alleged is adequate to the effect; and, moreover,
that the cause and the effect are in congruity, the one with the other.
It was Omnipotence — it was He that sat upon the throne that said:
Behold, I make all things new. The effect vouches for the cause: the
cause is justified in the effect.
At this point, where I am coming to the close of this informal
meditation, I come to what might be taken as the text of another
meditation, or of a new argument. I have spoken above of the drift of
Thought at the present moment. The purport of this now-present tendency
is toward the acceptance of a Christianity abated — a Gospel, shorn of
its forces; and we are labouring to persuade ourselves that a Gospel so
abated shall serve us instead of, and better than, the Gospel such as
we have it in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament. All we need,
it is said, in this advanced stage of European civilization is an
amiable Ethics, and an easy after-life in prospect, with no terrors
appended.
The compromise which is now
pleaded for must embrace such things as
these: The exclusion of "dogmas" of all sorts — a declared indifference
toward "speculative belief" — a rejection of superstitions, the devil
included. Yet most of all is demanded the rejection of that one
doctrine which, more than any other article of the obsolete theology,
offends our modern philosophy, and outrages its sensibilities; we
therefore insist upon the utter removal of the ancient belief
concerning the vicarious death of Christ. On these terms a continuance
may be granted to Christianity.
To abate the forces of the Gospel might seem a practicable enterprise,
if this indeed were all; but it is certain that when these forces,
these powers of the system, are removed, what remains is reduced to a
mass of incoherent and intolerable solecisms. Often has this experiment
been repeated, and always with the same result. Other than such as it
is — powerful to shake the Babel of human pride — powerful to vanquish
the obduracy of our alienation from God, the Gospel quickly gives place
to any illusion — philosophical, or literary, or sensual — which may
suit the bent of each mind. If proof of these averments is asked for,
then it is certain that everything which illustrates the history of the
human mind, when brought into collision with the Gospel, is available
to that end, and will consist with no other conclusion.
The late Isaac Taylor
By Isaac Taylor
THE foregoing essay, which
appeared in Good Words at the
close of the
year 1864, was almost the last literary effort of one who for fifty
years had held, in his well-practised hand, that Family Pen of which he
writes.
In the spring of the year 1865, he was attacked by a violent access of
the chronic bronchitis which had long troubled him, and this malady was
soon complicated by dropsical symptoms. For three months he endured
great sufferings with characteristic fortitude and Christian patience,
till at last the strong frame was shattered, and, on the 28th of June,
he passed away to his well-earned rest. Born at Lavenham, on the 17th
of August, 1787, just before the breaking out of the great French
Revolution, he would in a few weeks have completed his seventy-eighth
year.
This is not the place for any lengthened Memoir, or for any estimate of
the services which his words of thoughtful wisdom have rendered to the
cause of Christian truth. Some such memorial of his literary labours,
based upon his own letters, and accompanied by selections from MSS
which he has left behind, is now in preparation. It has been thought,
however, that these volumes would be incomplete if they did not contain
some briefest record of the literary life of one who grasped the Family
Pen with such firm fingers; and wielded it to so good effect.
The narrative of his early life, and the account of the surroundings of
his youthful years, will be found, to a great extent, detailed by
himself, incidentally, in the Memoir of his sister, Jane Taylor, which
occupies the concluding portion of this volume. In those pages will be
found a vivid description of the secluded life led by the family at
Lavenham, with an account of their removal to Colchester, and finally
to Ongar, together with a record of the long sojourn with his sister in
Devonshire and Cornwall.
In common with several other members of the family, Isaac Taylor was
trained to the profession of an artist. Though gifted with a keen
perception of artistic excellence, with a striking originality of
thought, and no inconsiderable power of artistic expression, yet the
more mechanical details of his profession were distasteful to his mind,
and he soon abandoned these pursuits for the more congenial labours of
stated authorship.
I believe that his earliest ventures with the pen were published, in
conjunction with his sisters, in some of those books for children which
have enjoyed such an extensive popularity. A suitable place has been
found for one or more of these juvenile productions in the second
volume of this work.
But his literary tastes and pursuits were soon to receive an entirely
new direction. The accidental discovery of a copy of the works of
Sulpicius Severus on a London bookstall, as narrated by himself, in the
preceding paper, turned his attention to the problems presented by the
History and Corruptions of the Christian Church, and led to the gradual
accumulation of a library containing everything worthy of note in the
whole range of patristic literature. A somewhat similar acquisition of
a copy of Lord
Bacon's treatises De Augmentis,
which occurred about the
same time, gave another direction to his studies. He became an
enthusiastic admirer and student of the works "of the great founder of
our intellectual philosophy, and in the combination of these two lines
of study, seemingly so incongruent — the Baconian and the patristic —
may, I believe, be found the key to his whole literary life.
About the year 1818, his friend, Josiah Conder,
who was at that time
the Editor of the Eclectic Review,
induced him to become a stated
contributor to that periodical, which was then at the zenith of its
fame, numbering as it did among its most zealous literary supporters
the names of Robert Hall, John Foster, and Olinthus Gregory.
In 1822, at the age of thirty-five, he made his first independent
literary venture. This was a small educational volume, which had been
suggested mainly by his Baconian studies, and was entitled Elements of
Thought. It was intended to teach the first rudiments of mental
philosophy. The volume was not unsuccessful, having passed through
several editions in its original form; and a few years before the
author's death it was entirely recast and published as an essentially
new work, under the title of The
World of Mind. This first
essay was succeeded by a much larger and more costly volume, a new
translation of the Characters of
Theophrastus, accompanied by
pictorial renderings of the characters, drawn and etched by the
translator. But the great event of this period was
the lamented death of his sister Jane, who had, for many years, been
the chief sharer of his thoughts, and the chosen companion of his
leisure hours. As her literary executor, all other pursuits were put
aside, in order that he might devote himself to the melancholy task of
the preparation of a memoir, which, accompanied by selections from her
correspondence and literary remains, was first published in the year
1825. It is this memoir which, recast and revised a year or two before
his death, constitutes the greater portion of the present volume.
In the ensuing year he married Elizabeth, second daughter of James
Medland, Esq of Newington. This lady was the “young friend” of his
sister Jane, to whom are addressed many of the letters in the latter
part of her published correspondence. During the thirty-five years of
her married life she proved herself a true and noble woman, a devoted
wife, a fond yet most judicious mother, and the beloved friend and
counsellor of her cottage neighbours. In preparation for his
marriage, Mr. Taylor had established himself at Stanford Rivers, a
secluded country village, distant some two miles from his father's
residence at Ongar. This house at Stanford Rivers, which was to be the
scene of his literary labours, and of his silent meditations — for more
than forty years, was not unfitted for the retreat of a literary
recluse. It was a rambling old-fashioned farmhouse, standing in a
large garden. It commanded a somewhat extensive view of the numerous
shaws, the well-timbered hedge-rows, and the undulating pasturages,
which are characteristic of that part of Essex; while at a distance of
some half-mile from the house the little river Roden meanders through
the broad meadows. The house was speedily adapted to its new purposes;
barns, and other farm outbuildings, were pulled down, the garden was
replanted and laid out afresh, with a characteristic provision of
spacious gravel-walks for meditative purposes.
Shortly after his marriage he published two companion volumes,
which mark the direction which his studies had been taking. The first, The History of the Transmission of Ancient
Books to Modern Times, was
followed by The Process of
Historical Proof. These
books form an answer to what may be called the Literary Scepticism of
writers like the Jesuit Hardouin and his
school, and show the grounds
on which a rigorous criticism may accept as genuine the various remains
of Ancient Literature, and more especially those documents which are
comprised in the Jewish and Christian Scriptures. After an interval of
more than thirty years, these two volumes were recast by their author,
and republished as a single work. The researches connected with a new
and annotated Translation of Herodotus, which Mr Taylor published at
this time, seem to have suggested an anonymous work of fiction,
entitled The Temple of Melekartha.
This work, the authorship of which
was never avowed, stands alone among the productions of its writer.
With great imaginative and pictorial power, it attempts to reproduce
the characteristic features of the pre-historic civilization of the
Tyrian race at the period of the traditional migration from the Persian
Gulf to the Syrian coast. The work is pervaded by a deep ethical
purpose, striving, as it does, to develop the untrammelled workings of
enthusiasm, fanaticism, and spiritual despotism, and their baneful
results on the destinies of nations. Hitherto, Mr Taylor, as an author,
had been only moderately successful. His works, though well received by
the public, had excited no marked sensation. But at last, at the age of
forty-two, he discovered the direction in which the true bent of his
genius lay. The Natural History of
Enthusiasm was published
anonymously in the month of May 1829. This work, with which the
author's name is perhaps now chiefly associated, was a sort of a
historico-philosophical elucidation of those social and religious
problems which had come into prominence in that age of political and
ecclesiastical revolution. It was written with such freshness of
thought and vigour of language, as at once to place the unknown writer
in the front rank of contemporary literature. The book rapidly ran
through eight or nine editions, and still continues to have its readers
and admirers. It was rapidly followed by two companion volumes, Fanaticism, and Spiritual Despotism, which were
eagerly welcomed by
an expectant and admiring public. Mr Taylor's next work is, perhaps,
that which has been most in favour with the class of readers to whose
tastes his writings are adapted. In his character of a lay theologian,
he brought forward a series of devout reflections and original
speculations on some of the more recondite subjects of religious
thought. As a layman, he thought it right to leave the ordinary topics
of the pulpit to their authorized expounders, and, under the title of Saturday Evening, he claimed to
deal only with such matters as might
be regarded as a preparation for the more formal teaching of the
Sunday. This work has been regarded by a numerous band of admirers as a
storehouse of profound thought, expressed in that massive and
harmonious language of which the writer was a master.
One of the detached speculations in Saturday
Evening was soon
afterwards expanded into a volume, under the title of The Physical
Theory of another Life. This work has gone through several
editions,
and still finds numerous readers.
The time now came at which Mr Taylor was reluctantly persuaded to
relinquish that anonymous shield under cover of which this series of
works had been produced, and which in his own opinion enabled him to
write with a freedom and a power to which he bad before been a
stranger. In 1836, a vacancy occurred in the chair of Logic in the
University of Edinburgh. The anonymous author received an urgent
requisition from some of the electors to stand for the vacant chair.
This flattering proposal, involving as it did a surrender of his
cherished habits of seclusion, was at first decisively declined, but
the request was repeated with such urgency that he was at last induced
to reconsider his determination. As the day of election approached all
the other competitors withdrew, with the exception of Sir William
Hamilton, who was ultimately successful by a small majority. This
contest, the issue of which the defeated candidate never regretted for
a moment, laid the foundation of valued friendships with Dr Chalmers,
and other prominent men in Edinburgh, who had warmly interested
themselves on his behalf. Another result of this contest was that, on
several occasions in after years, Mr Taylor received similar
invitations to compete for chairs in Scotch universities and colleges,
and on one occasion a prominent position of the kind was placed at his
option. But he never again consented to stand, believing that a College
teacher should have received a College training, and believing also
that his own habits of thought, and of free utterance on philosophical
and theological topics, would not have been in harmony with the
intellectual atmosphere of a Scotch university.
His own marked enjoyment of the country, and his decisive preference
for a secluded life, joined to his conviction of the superior mental
and physical health attainable by a family residing in the country,
combined to retain him in the retired rural home in which he had
deliberately chosen to cast his lot. At this time he had seven young
children around his table. The methods which he pursued, and the
thoughts which suggested themselves in superintending the education of
his own family, are recorded in Home
Education, a volume published in
1838. The beneficial influences of a country life, the educational
value of children's pleasures, and the importance of favouring the
natural growth of a child's mind instead of stimulating the mental
powers into a forced and unnatural activity, are among the topics
insisted upon in this volume, which has had considerable weight with
parents in inducing them to promote the enjoyments of their children as
one of the best of educational influences.
His next effort was of a very different character, and involved him in
literary controversy of a kind from which his retiring nature
sensitively shrank. In the preceding pages he has himself narrated the
effect produced upon his mind in early life by the chance discovery on
a London bookstall of a copy of Sulpicius Severus. The interest thus
awakened in patristic literature was not allowed to die away. He
gradually accumulated on his shelves a costly array of folios
comprising nearly everything of note in the literature of Christian
antiquity. From the independent perusal of these writers he had formed
for himself a conception of the doctrine and practice of the Nicene
Church differing widely from that which he found presented in any
of
the then accepted writers on Church history. Milner, and even Mosheim,
he put from him with a kind of indignation, as giving an entirely
distorted version of the facts of the case.
Holding as he did this belief as to the practices and doctrines of the
early Church, he was deeply interested in that great movement in the
English Church of which the Tracts
for the Times were the exponents.
The avowed object of the tracts was to bring back the Church of England
to the theological beliefs and the ritual usages of the Nicene Church.
Mr. Taylor's researches had led him to the belief that almost the whole
of the errors of mediaeval Rome existed in a more or less developed
form in that church of the fourth century which the Oxford writers were
holding up to view as the standard and pattern for ourselves. In this
belief he stepped forward with a reply to the Tracts, from the point of
view of a layman, unembarrassed by the entanglement of ecclesiastical
interests or subscriptions. The first part of Ancient Christianity
compared with the Doctrines of the Tracts for the Times appeared
in
the beginning of the year 1839, and drew down upon its author an
unwonted storm of virulent and unscrupulous opposition. The parts
continued to appear at intervals for nearly three years, and had a very
extensive circulation. The author had reason to believe that, while he
had confirmed many waverers in their old allegiance to the Church of
England, he had succeeded in proving to others that their only
consistent course was to join the communion of Rome. About this time Mr
Taylor delivered four lectures on "Spiritual Christianity" to a
distinguished audience assembled at the Hanover Square Rooms. He
himself always regarded these lectures as one of his happiest efforts.
A somewhat similar course of Four Lectures was addressed to the working
classes, under the title, “Man Responsible". But occupations of a very
different nature now began to engross his thoughts.
From his boyhood his leisure hours had been much occupied with the
invention of mechanical devices. One room in his house was always
appropriated as a laboratory and carpenter's shop. At a very early
period of his life he had invented the beer-tap which is now most
commonly employed throughout the country; and somewhat later he
contrived and introduced a very effective grate for domestic use. But
his most ingenious contrivance was a machine for engraving upon copper.
This beautiful invention was applied to the production of the numerous
plates which illustrate Dr Traill's translation of Josephus, and
shortly afterwards it was adapted to the purpose of engraving the
copper cylinders which are employed in calico, printing; and having
been patented in England, Scotland, and America, it was brought into
operation on a large scale in Manchester and elsewhere. This machinery,
ingenious and mechanically successful as it was, proved, financially,
most disastrous to the inventor, and involved him in heavy liabilities,
from which he only escaped in the latter, years of his life. As
has so often been the case, the invention, though ruinous to the
inventor, realized large returns in the hands of others who possessed
the requisite capital for making it commercially successful.
These mechanical pursuits were the main occupation of the seven years
which followed the completion of Ancient
Christianity. The hours
which were not devoted to bringing the engraving machinery to
perfection were spent in literary labour, though not of that
independent kind which had hitherto engaged him. He contributed at
intervals many thoughtful articles to the North British Review, from
the time of its first commencement in 1843, and expended much heavy and
well-nigh fruitless toil in editing Dr Traill's translation of
Josephus, and writing the historical and topographical notes which
accompany that work.
In 1849 he again published a volume, Loyola
and Jesuitism, in which
he endeavoured to apply to one special epoch of Church History those
general principles which had been propounded just twenty years before,
in the Natural History of Enthusiasm.
A companion monograph, Wesley
and Methodism, appeared some two years later. These two volumes,
however, excited less attention than preceding works from their
author's pen. Wanting, as he constitutionally was, in literary
ambition, he now gladly availed himself of an opportunity of returning
to the privacy of anonymous authorship, which, he felt, always enabled
him to wield his pen with a freedom and power which he was sensible had
been more or less wanting ever since that reluctant avowal of his name
which had been extorted from him in 1836. The result fully justified
this belief, and The Restoration of
Belief, a volume on the Christian
argument which was published anonymously at Cambridge in 1855, has
always been regarded by his admirers as one of the most profound
and powerful of all the efforts of his pen.
The works of his remaining years may be briefly enumerated. Logic in
Theology, and Ultimate
Civilization, are the titles of two volumes
of characteristic essays. The concluding essay in the former of these
volumes is a sort of Religio Laici, and contains a more detailed
expression of the writer's mature belief than can be found elsewhere.
In this essay he sums up the credenda which a thoughtful and devout man
may, in these days of scepticism, accept as things which may be
believed "without controversy". In truth, as he advanced in life, his
early aversion to the acrimony and necessary one-sidedness of religious
controversy returned with augmented force, and he often regretted that
the feebleness of increasing years did not allow him to recast the one
controversial effort of his life — Ancient
Christianity — into a form
which should be free from that atmosphere of partisanship in which it
was, from the necessity of the time, originally produced.
Mr Taylor's last work of any importance was a volume of lectures,
originally delivered at Edinburgh, on The
Spirit of Hebrew Poetry.
This volume was published in 1862, and it contains passages of great
originality and beauty, showing that age had not abated the powers of
the veteran writer, though it may have mellowed his tone of thought,
and chastened his somewhat exuberant style. The last fruit of his pen
was the series of “Personal Recollections", which appeared in Good Words a few months
before his death. It is one of the essays in
that series, bearing the title of "The Family Pen", which is reprinted
in the present volume. At the time of his fatal seizure in the spring
of 1865, he was engaged in writing an essay on the religious history of
England during the fifty years of his own literary life. This fragment
is now being prepared for publication, and it is hoped will very
shortly be given to the world.
Mr Taylor was singularly destitute of literary ambition. It was always
his greatest pleasure and reward to believe that in his employment of
the gift entrusted to him he had been able in any degree to be useful
in his generation. It is not often perhaps that so voluminous a writer
has shrunk so persistently from personal prominence and literary
notoriety of every kind. It was always most painful to him to be
brought forward as "a literary man". He resolutely held aloof from
mixing in literary circles; general society was distasteful to him; and
though he hospitably welcomed, at Stanford Rivers, his few chosen
friends, yet he was never truly happy and at ease save in the deep
seclusion of his country retreat, pacing up and down the walks of the
old-fashioned garden, or setting forth for prolonged rambles in those
retired lanes and byways where he could feel most secure from
encountering strangers. His social enjoyments he ever sought in the
bosom of his own family. He always believed that the domestic
happiness with which he was so greatly favoured was not only a strong
stimulus to literary exertion, but exercised also the best influence on
his own intellectual judgments; and to the seclusion of his country
life he attributed much of the breadth and catholicity of his religious
feelings, and the calm judicial tone of his literary temper.
Notes
* I
have occasion here to keep in mind the rule — de mortuis nil, nisi
bonum — and therefore must repress the impulse to assert my uncle's
merits, so unfairly and ungenerously called in question by the late
John Kitto. How would his own ill-digested work fare if dealt in the
same fashion? — IT
** The reader may judge for himself of
the soundness of this opinion by
the extracts from the writings of Jeffreys Taylor, which are given in
the second volume of this work. [EDITOR.]
*** Whether the Homilies and Treatises
which I now hold in my hand
should be attributed to Macarius Senior, or to Macarius junior, or even
to some other writer of about the same period, is a matter of no
consequence whatever in relation to the bearing of such a question upon
any inference I am intending to draw from my facts. — IT
Thomas
Harmer
(1714-1788), Observations on Various
Passages in Scripture. — SP
- Johann Laurenz von Mosheim (about
1694–1755). "Often called the father of modern church history, a
Lutheran
preacher and university professor at Goetingen, Germany, and noted
scholar,
was the first to attempt to write Church history objectively. Instead
of
publishing history to produce propaganda, von Mosheim tried to examine
the development of the Church without bias or party line." Wrote Ecclesiastical History Ancient and Modern.
— SP
Rev
Joseph Milner,
Anglican minister and church historian. — SP
Dr John
Jortin (1698-1770), church historian. — SP
Nitria.
A valley of salt lakes in the desert north-west of Cairo. — SP
Cappodocia.
Central Turkey. — SP
Lusitania.
Roman Portugal. — SP
James
Medland (Abt 1769-June 1823). — SP
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